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Die Hindenburg ist ein von Robert Wise produzierter und inszenierter Katastrophenfilm aus dem Jahr , der von der letzten Reise und der Zerstörung des. Der Zeppelin LZ „Hindenburg“ (Kennzeichen D-LZ), benannt nach dem deutschen Reichspräsidenten Paul von Hindenburg, und seine. Am 3. Mai startet die "Hindenburg" in Frankfurt Richtung New York. Sie ist das bis dahin größte und modernste Luftschiff der Welt. Niemand ahnt, dass es. Am 6. Mai endete die Geschichte der zivilen Luftschifffahrt in einer Tragödie: In Lakehurst bei New York verunglückte das größte. Er berichtete über die Landung des weltgrößten Zeppelins LZ „Hindenburg“, als am 6. Mai um Uhr das Unvorstellbare geschah.
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Every regiment on the western front created an assault unit of storm troopers selected from their fittest and most aggressive men.
Most cavalry regiments were dismounted and the artillery received their badly needed horses. Then a double creeping barrage led the infantry into the shattered first German lines, where the attackers stopped to repel counterattacks.
Nivelle was given command of the French Army. Hindenburg's day at OHL began at when he and Ludendorff discussed the reports — usually quickly agreeing on what was to be done.
After conferring again with Ludendorff, he heard reports from his departmental heads, met with visitors and worked on correspondence.
At noon Ludendorff gave the situation report to the kaiser, unless an important decision was required when Hindenburg took over.
He lunched with his personal staff, which included a son-in-law who was an Army officer. They left the table to subdivide into informal chatting groups.
After a junior officer summarized the daily reports, he might confer with Ludendorff again before retiring. Ludendorff and Bauer, who knew all the industrialists, set ambitious goals for arms production, in what was called the Hindenburg Programme , which was directed from the War Office by General Groener.
Major goals included a new light machine gun, updated artillery, and motor transport, but no tanks because they considered them too vulnerable to artillery.
To increase output they needed skilled workers. The army released a million men. Hindenburg also wanted the universities closed, except for medical training, so that empty places would not be filled by women.
To swell the next generation of soldiers he wanted contraceptives banned and bachelors taxed. Following the death of Austro-Hungarian emperor Franz Joseph on 21 November, Hindenburg met his successor Charles , who was frank about hoping to stop the fighting.
In Italy, the line ran from the Swiss border on the west to the Adriatic east of Venice. The Macedonian front extended along the Greek border from the Adriatic to the Aegean.
The line contested by the Russians and Ottomans between the Black and Caspian Sea ran along the heights of the Caucasus mountains.
Hindenburg urged the Ottomans to pull their men off the heights before winter but they did not. In his memoirs, he would later allege this was because of their "policy of massacre of the Armenians" .
The front in Palestine ran from the Mediterranean to the southern end of the Dead Sea, and the defenders of Baghdad had a flank on the Tigris River.
The Western Front ran southward from Belgium until near Laon, where it turned east to pass Verdun before again turning south to end at the Swiss Border.
The remaining German enclaves in Africa were beyond his reach; an attempt to resupply them by dirigible failed.
The Central Powers were surrounded and outnumbered. By the second quarter of , Hindenburg and Ludendorff were able to assemble , more men in 53 new divisions  and provide them with an adequate supply of new light machine guns.
Field guns were increased from 5, to 6, and heavies from 3, to 4, They tried to foster fighting spirit by "patriotic instruction" with lectures and films  to "ensure that a fight is kept up against all agitators, croakers and weaklings".
Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg and his allies expressed opposition to this policy, not wanting to bring the United States and other neutrals into the war.
After securing the Dutch and Danish borders, Hindenburg announced that unrestricted submarine warfare was imperative and Ludendorff added his voice.
On 9 January the chancellor was forced to bow to their unsound military judgments. OHL moved west to the pleasant spa town of Bad Kreuznach in southwest Germany, which was on a main rail line.
The Kaiser's quarters were in the spa building, staff offices were in the orange court, and the others lived in the hotel buildings.
Some effective divisions from the east were exchanged for less competent divisions from the west. Since their disasters of the previous year the Russian infantry had shown no fight and in March the revolution erupted in Russia.
Shunning opportunity, the Central Powers stayed put; Hindenburg feared that invaders would resurrect the heroic resistance of On the Western Front, the German Army command deduced their huge salient between the valley of the Somme and Laon obviously was vulnerable to a pincer attack, which indeed the French were planning.
The new Hindenburg line ran across its base. Subsequently, On 16 March, Hindenburg authorized Operation Alberich whereby German forces were ordered to move out all able-bodied inhabitants and portable possessions to new line running across the salient's base.
In the process, they destroyed every building, leveled all roads and bridges, cut down every tree, fouled every well, and burned every combustible.
On 9 April the British attacked. At Arras led by tanks and a creeping barrage, they took the German first and second lines and occupied part of their third while the Canadians swept the Germans completely off the Vimy Ridge.
There was consternation at OHL , their new defense had failed. It was Ludendorff's birthday but he refused to come to the celebratory dinner.
In fact, their new defensive tactics had not been tested, because Sixth Army commander Ludwig von Falkenhausen had packed men in the front line and kept counterattack divisions too far back.
He was replaced. A week later the anticipated French offensive began, driving northward from the Aisne River , after six days of intensive shelling their infantry was led forward by tanks, the first attack by massed tanks.
The attacks ended in early May when many French regiments refused to attack. The Germans never learned the extent of their enemy's demoralization.
The British captured Baghdad on 11 March. The Ottomans had been promised that their empire would be defended, so all their troops in Europe returned home and in May Falkenhayn was appointed to command Army group F comprising two Ottoman armies along with three German infantry battalions with some artillery; to impress the enemy it was called The Asiatic Corps.
Falkenhayn realized it would be difficult to retake Baghdad, so he took over the defense of the Gaza line in Palestine, which the British broke through in November.
The revolutionary Russian government led by Alexander Kerensky remained at war, attacking and pushing back the Austro-Hungarians in Galicia on 1 July.
To counter this success, on 18 July after a hurricane bombardment by batteries directed by Bruchmüller a Schwerpunkt of six German divisions from the west broke a gap in the Russian front, through which they sliced southward toward Tarnopol , thereby threatening to pocket the Russian attackers, who fled to save themselves; many of the demoralized Russian units elected committees to replaced their officers.
At the end of August the advancing Central Powers stopped at the frontier of Moldavia. To keep up the pressure and to seize ground he intended to keep, Hindenburg shifted north to the heavily fortified city of Riga today in Latvia which has the broad Dvina River as a moat.
On 1 September the Eighth Army, led by Oskar von Hutier , attacked; Bruchmüller's bombardment, which included gas and smoke shells, drove the defenders from the far bank east of the city, the Germans crossed in barges and then bridged the river, immediately pressing forward to the Baltic coast, pocketing the defenders of the Riga salient.
Next a joint operation with the navy seized Oesel and two smaller islands in the Gulf of Riga.
The Bolshevik revolution took Russia out of the war, an armistice was signed on 16 December. Hindenburg detested Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg for dragging his feet about total and submarine warfare.
Colonel Bauer and the Crown Prince rushed to Berlin to block this peril. The crisis was resolved when the monarchist parties voted no confidence in Bethmann-Hollweg, who resigned.
Ludendorff and Bauer wanted to replace both the kaiser and chancellor by a dictator, but Hindenburg would not agree. The resolution became advantageous in August when the Pope called for peace.
The German response cited the resolution to finesse specific questions like those about the future of Belgium.
The industrialists opposed Groener's advocacy of an excess profits tax and insistence that workers take a part in company management. Hindenburg's 70th birthday was celebrated lavishly all over Germany, 2 October was a public holiday, an honor that until then had been reserved only for the Kaiser.
With God's help our German strength has withstood the tremendous attack of our enemies, because we were one, because each gave his all gladly.
So it must stay to the end. Take no thought for what is to be after the war! This only brings despondency into our ranks and strengthens the hopes of the enemy.
Trust that Germany will achieve what she needs to stand there safe for all time, trust that the German oak will be given air and light for its free growth.
Muscles tensed, nerves steeled, eyes front! We see before us the aim: Germany honored, free and great! God will be with us to the end!
Bavarian mountain warfare expert von Dellmensingen was sent to assess the Austro-Hungarian defenses in Italy, which he found poor.
Then he scouted for a site from which an attack could be mounted against the Italians. Hindenburg created a new Fourteenth Army with ten Austro-Hungarian and seven German divisions and enough airplanes to control the air, commanded by Otto von Below.
The attack began during the night when the defender's trenches in the valley were abruptly shrouded in a dense cloud of poison gas released from canisters fired simultaneously from simple mortars.
The defenders fled before their masks would fail. The artillery opened fire several hours later, hitting the Italian reinforcements hastening up to fill the gap.
The attackers swept over the almost empty defenses and marched through the pass, while mountain troops cleared the heights on either side.
The Italians fled west, too fast to be cut off. Entente divisions were rushed to Italy to stem the retreat by holding a line on the Piave River.
In the negotiations with the Soviet Government, Hindenburg wanted to retain control of all Russian territory that the Central Powers occupied, with German grand dukes ruling Courland and Lithuania , as well as a large slice of Poland.
Their Polish plan was opposed by Foreign Minister Richard von Kühlmann , who encouraged the kaiser to listen to the views of Max Hoffmann, chief of staff on the Eastern Front.
Hoffmann demurred but when ordered argued that it would be a mistake bring so many Slavs into Germany, when only a small slice of Poland was needed to improve defenses.
When the Soviets refused the terms offered at Brest-Litovsk the Germans repudiated the armistice and in a week occupied the Baltic States, Belarus and Ukraine, which had signed the treaty as a separate entity.
Now the Russians signed also. Hindenburg helped to force Kühlmann out in July In January more than half a million workers went on strike, among their demands was a peace without annexations.
The strike collapsed when its leaders were arrested, the labor press suppressed, strikers in the reserve called for active duty, and seven great industrial concerns were taken under military control, which put their workers under martial law.
The Germans were unable to tender a plausible peace offer because OHL insisted on controlling Belgium and retaining the French coalfields.
All of the Central Power's cities were on the brink of starvation and their armies were on short rations, Hindenburg realized that "empty stomachs prejudiced all higher impulses and tended to make men indifferent.
Hundreds of thousands of men were needed to hold and police these conquests. More Germans were in Macedonia and in Palestine, where the British were driving north; Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders , who had led the defense of Gallipoli.
All Hindenburg required was that these fronts stand firm while the Germans won in the west, where now they outnumbered their opponents.
He firmly believed that his opponents could be crushed by battlefield defeats regardless of their far superior resources.
Offensive tactics were tailored to the defense. Their opponents were adopting defense in depth. He would attack the British because they were less skillful than the French.
However, winter mud prevented action there until April. Consequently, their first attack, named Michael, was on the southern part of the British line, at a projecting British salient near Saint-Quentin.
Schwerpunkts would hit on either side of the salient's apex to pocket its defenders, the V Corps, as an overwhelming display of German power.
Additional troops and skilled commanders, like von Hutier, were shifted from the east, Army Group von Gallwitz was formed in the west on 1 February.
One quarter of the western divisions were designated for attack; to counter the elastic defense during the winter each of them attended a four-week course on infiltration tactics.
As always surprise was essential, so the artillery was slipped into attack positions at night, relying on camouflage for concealment; the British aerial photographers were allowed free rein before D-day.
There would be no preliminary registration fire, the gunners were trained for map firing in schools established by Bruchmüller.
In the short, intense bombardment each gun fired in a precise sequence, shifting back and forth between different targets, using many gas shells to keep defenders immersed in a toxic cloud.
On D-day, the air force would establish air supremacy and machine gun enemy strong points, also updating commanders on how far the attackers had penetrated.
Signal lamps were used for messaging on the ground. Headquarters moved close to the front and as soon as possible would advance to pre-selected positions in newly occupied ground.
OHL moved to Spa, Belgium while Hindenburg and Ludendorff were closer to the attack at Avesnes, France , which re-awoke his memories of occupied France 41 years before.
Operation Michael struck on 21 March. The first day's reports were inconclusive, but by day two they knew they had broken through some of the enemy artillery lines.
But the encirclement failed because British stoutness gave V Corps time to slip out of the targeted salient. On day four they were moving on into open country when the kaiser prematurely celebrated by pinning the iron cross with sun's rays on Hindenburg's tunic, the first recipient since the medal was created for von Blücher.
South of the salient they had almost destroyed the British Fifth Army, so they pushed west to cut between the French and British Armies, but did not succeed because they advanced too slowly through the thrashed terrain of the former Somme battlefields and the ground devastated when withdrawing the year before and because troops stopped to loot food and clothing — hence they never broke through the Entente's fluid defensive line, manned by troops brought up and supplied by rail and motor transport.
The Allied command was dismayed. French headquarters realized: "This much became clear from the terrible adventure, that our enemies were masters of a new method of warfare.
What was even more serious was that it was perceived that the enemy's power was due to a thing that cannot be improvised, the training of officers and men.
Prolonging Michael with the drive west delayed and weakened the attack in Flanders. Again they broke through, smashing the Portuguese defenders and forcing the British from all of the ground they had paid so dearly for in However, French support enabled the British to save Hazebrouck , the rail junction that was the German goal.
To draw the French reserves away from Flanders, the next attack was along the Aisne River where Nivelle had attacked the year before.
Their success was dazzling. The defender's front was immersed in a gas cloud fired from simple mortars,  within hours they had reoccupied all the ground the French had taken by weeks of grinding, and they continued to sweep south through Champagne until they halted for resupply at the Marne River.
Hindenburg had lost , of his best men between March and the end of July, while their foe's ranks were swelling with Americans.
His dwindling stock of horses were on the verge of starvation and his ragged men thought continually of food. One of the most effective propaganda handbills the British showered on the German lines listed the rations received by prisoners of war.
His troops bridled at their officer's rations and reports of the ample meals at headquarters, in his memoirs Ludendorff devotes six pages to defending officer's rations and perks.
Tens of thousands of men were skulking behind the lines. Determined to win, he decided to expand the salient pointing toward Paris to strip more defenders from Flanders.
The attack on General Henri Gouraud's French Fourth Army followed the now familiar scenario but was met by a deceptive elastic defense and was decisively repelled at the French main line of resistance.
The German defense was halfhearted. They had lost. Hindenburg went on the defensive, withdrawing one by one from the salients created by their victories, evacuating their wounded and supplies and retiring to shortened lines.
He hoped to hold a line until their enemies were ready to bargain. Since their retreat from the Marne, Ludendorff had been distraught, shrieking orders and often in tears.
Most disquieting was that some German commanders surrendered their units and that reserves arriving at the front were taunted for prolonging the war.
For Ludendorff Amiens was the "black day in the history of the German Army". His breakdown is not mentioned in Hindenburg's or Ludendorff's memoirs.
On 29 September Hindenburg and Ludendorff told the incredulous kaiser that the war was lost and that they must have an immediate armistice.
A new chancellor, Prince Maximilian of Baden , opened negotiations with President Woodrow Wilson , who would deal only with a democratic Germany.
Prince Max told the kaiser that he would resign unless Ludendorff was dismissed, but that Hindenburg was indispensable to hold the army together.
On 26 October the Kaiser slated Ludendorff before curtly accepting his resignation — then rejecting Hindenburg's. Afterwards, Ludendorff refused to share Hindenburg's limousine.
Hindenburg promptly replaced Ludendorff with Groener, now chief of staff of Army Group Kiev , which was assisting a breakaway Ukrainian government to fend off the Bolsheviks while expropriating food and oil.
They were losing their allies. In September the Entente and their Greek allies attacked in Macedonia. The Bulgarians begged for more Germans to stiffen their troops, but Hindenburg had none to spare.
Many Bulgarian soldiers deserted as they retreated toward home, opening the road to Constantinople. The Ottomans were overextended, trying to defend Syria while exploiting the Russian collapse to move into the Caucasus , advancing through Armenia and Georgia intending to take over Muslim lands, despite Hindenburg's urging them to defend what they had.
The British and Arabs broke through in September, capturing Damascus. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October. Wilson insisted that the kaiser must go, but he refused to abdicate, he was determined to lead the Prussian Army home to suppress the growing rebellion , which had started with large demonstrations in major cities and then, when the navy ordered a sortie to battle the British, mutineers led by workers' and soldiers' councils took control of the navy, these councils spread rapidly throughout Germany.
They stripped officers of their badges of rank and decorations, if necessary forcibly. On 8 November Hindenburg told the kaiser that 39 regimental officers had been brought to Spa; where he delivered a situation report and answered questions.
The answers were decisive: the army would not. The kaiser gave in, superfluously because in Berlin Prince Max had already publicly announced his abdication, his own resignation, and that the Social Democrat leader Friedrich Ebert was now chancellor.
Democracy came abruptly and almost bloodlessly. That evening Groener telephoned Ebert, who he knew and trusted, to tell him that if the new government would fight Bolshevism and support the Army then the field marshal would lead a disciplined army home.
The withdrawal became more fraught when the armistice obliged all German troops to leave Belgium, France and Alsace Lorraine in 14 days and to be behind the Rhine in 30 days.
Stragglers would become prisoners. When the seven men from the executive committee of the soldiers' council formed at Spa arrived at OHL they were greeted politely by a lieutenant colonel, who acknowledged their leadership.
When they broached the march home he took them to the map room, explaining allocation of roads, scheduling unit departures, billeting and feeding.
They agreed that the existing staffs should make these arrangements. They were greeted by the chairman of the workers' and soldiers' council's who proclaimed that: "Hindenburg belongs to the German nation.
Hindenburg refused because they did not have the kaiser's permission, instead settling into a humble inn, thereby pleasing both his monarchist staff and the revolutionary masses.
In the west 1. Hindenburg did not want to involve the army in the defense of the new government against their civil enemies.
Instead they manned independent Freikorps modeled on formations used in the Napoleonic wars , supplying them with weapons and equipment.
In February OHL moved east to Kolberg to mount an offensive against impinging Soviet troops, but they were restrained by the Allied occupation administration, which in May ordered all German troops in the east home.
Hindenburg retired to Hanover  once again on 25 June to a splendid new villa, which was a gift of the city, despite admittedly having "lost the greatest war in history".
He failed to win because once through they were too slow—legs could not move quite fast enough. Surprisingly, Hindenburg has undergone a historical metamorphosis: his teaching of tactics and years on the General Staff forgotten while he is remembered as a commander as an appendage to Ludendorff's genius.
Others did. The OHL officers who testified before the Reichstag committee investigating the collapse of agreed that Hindenburg was always in command.
In addition Ludendorff overrated himself, repressing repeated demonstrations that he lacked the backbone essential to command. Without knocking I entered Ludendorff's office and found him loudly arguing with the field marshal.
I assumed it was over the situation at the Seventh Army. In any case as soon as I entered the field marshall asked me to give my assessment of the situation at the Seventh Army.
I described it in short terms and emphasized especially that based on my own observations I thought the condition of the troops was cause for serious concern.
For the past few days the Seventh Army commanding general, the staff, and I had all been recommending a withdrawal from the increasingly untenable front lines.
I told Hindenburg that I had come to Avesenes with the concurrence of the Seventh Army commanding general to secure such an order.
The field marshall turned to Ludendorff, saying something to the effect of 'Now Ludendorff, make sure that the order goes out immediately.
Hindenburg's record as a commander starting in the field at Tannenberg, then leading four national armies, culminating with breaking the trench deadlock in the west, and then holding his defeated army together, is unmatched by any other soldier in World War I.
However, military skill should not mask the other component of their record: " The new republic held its first election on 19 January Parties representing a broad range of different constituencies ran candidates and voting was with proportional representation, so inevitably governments were formed by coalitions of parties: this time Social Democrats , Democrats, and Centrists.
Ebert was elected as provisional chancellor; then the elected representatives assembled in Weimar to write a constitution.
It was based on the Constitution of the German Empire written in , with many of the kaiser's powers now given to a president elected for a term of seven years.
The president selected the chancellor and the members of the cabinet, but with the crucial stipulation that his nominees had to be ratified by the Reichstag , which because of proportional representation required support from several parties.
The constitution was adopted on 11 August Ebert was elected as provisional president. The terms of the Treaty of Versailles were written in secret.
It was unveiled on 7 May and was followed by an ultimatum: either ratify the treaty, or the Allies would take whatever measures they deemed necessary to enforce its terms.
While Germans of all political shades cursed the treaty as an insult to the nation's honor, President Ebert was sober enough to consider the possibility that Germany would not be in a position to turn it down.
To save face, he asked Hindenburg whether the army was prepared to defend against an Allied invasion from the west, which Ebert believed would be all but certain if the treaty were voted down.
If there was even the slightest chance that the army could hold out, he promised to urge rejection of the treaty.
Under some prodding from his chief of staff, Groener, Hindenburg concluded the army could not resume the war under any circumstances. Rather than tell Ebert himself, he directed Groener to deliver the army's recommendation to the president.
Back in Hanover, as a field marshal he was provided with a staff who helped with his still extensive correspondence.
He made few formal public appearances, but the streets around his house often were crowded with admirers when he took his afternoon walk.
During the war he had left the newspaper reporters to Ludendorff, now he was available. He hunted locally and elsewhere, including an annual chamois hunt in Bavaria.
The yearly Tannenberg memorial celebration kept him in the public eye. A Berlin publisher urged him to produce his memoirs which could educate and inspire by emphasizing his ethical and spiritual values; his story and ideas could be put on paper by a team of anonymous collaborators and the book would be translated immediately for the worldwide market.
Major themes were the need for Germany to maintain a strong military as the school teaching young German men moral values and the need to restore the monarchy, because only under the leadership of the House of Hohenzollern could Germany become great again, with "The conviction that the subordination of the individual to the good of the community was not only a necessity, but a positive blessing He concealed his cultural interests and assured his readers: "It was against my inclination to take any interest in current politics.
The Treaty required the German army to have no more than , men and abolished the General Staff. Therefore, in March The Reichswehr was organized.
The , armed men in Germany competed for the limited places. The chief of staff was Seeckt, camouflaged as Chief of the Troop Office.
He favored staff officers above line officers and the proportion of nobles was the same as prewar. In , Hindenburg was subpoenaed to appear before the parliamentary commission investigating the responsibility for the outbreak of war in and for the defeat in They had been strangers since Ludendorff's dismissal, but they prepared and arrived together on 18 November Hindenburg refused to take the oath until Ludendorff was permitted to read a statement that they were under no obligation to testify since their answers might expose them to criminal prosecution, but they were waiving their right of refusal.
On the stand Hindenburg read through a prepared statement, ignoring the chairman's repeated demands that he answer questions. Reviews in the German press that grossly misrepresented General Frederick Barton Maurice's book about the last months of the war firmed-up this myth.
The first presidential election was scheduled for 6 June Hindenburg wrote to Wilhelm II, in exile in the Netherlands, for permission to run.
Five days later Berlin was seized by regular and Freicorp troops led by General Lüttwitz, the commander of the Berlin garrison, who proclaimed a prominent civil servant, Wolfgang Kapp , president in a new government.
Ludendorff and Colonel Bauer stood by Kapp's side. As the Reichswehr leadership refused to fight the coup, the legal government fled to Stuttgart.
However the coup collapsed after six days as the civil service refused to cooperate and workers went on a general strike.
The strike led to a Bolshevik uprising that was put down forcefully. Kapp died in prison while awaiting trial, Ludendorff fled to Bavaria where he was shielded by his fame, Bauer went into exile.
The Reichstag postponed the presidential election and extended Ebert's term of office. Hindenburg cut back on public appearances.
His serenity was shattered by the illness of his wife Gertrud , who died of cancer on 14 May He kept close to his three children, their spouses and his nine grandchildren.
His son Oskar was at his side as the field marshal's liaison officer. Hindenburg was financially sustained by a fund set up by a group of admiring industrialists.
Hindenburg was not involved but inevitably was prominent in newspaper reports. He issued a statement urging national unity.
Twelve zeros were cut from prices, which stabilized. The political divisions in the nation began to ease. In the economy was shored up by the reduction in reparation payments in the Dawes Plan with loans from American banks.
At Tannenberg in August before a crowd of 50, Hindenburg laid the headstone for an imposing memorial. Reichspräsident Ebert died on 28 February following an appendectomy.
A new election had to be held within a month. None of the candidates attained the required majority; Ludendorff was last with a paltry , votes.
By law there had to be another election. The Social Democrats, the Catholic Centre and other democratic parties united to support the Centre's Wilhelm Marx , who had twice served as chancellor and was now Minister President of Prussia.
The Communists insisted on running their own candidate. The parties on the right established a committee to select their strongest candidate.
After a week's indecision they decided on Hindenburg, despite his advanced age and fear, notably by Foreign Minister Stresemann, of unfavorable reactions by their former enemies.
A delegation came to his home on 1 April. He stated his reservations but concluded "If you feel that my election is necessary for the sake of the Fatherland, I'll run in God's name.
Not willing to be humiliated like Ludendorff he drafted a telegram declining the nomination, but before it was sent, Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz and a young leader of the agrarian nobility of eastern Germany arrived in Hanover to persuade him to wait until the strength of his support was clearer.
His conservative opponents gave way so he consented on 9 April. Again he obtained Wilhelm II's approval.
His campaign stressed his devotion to "social justice, religious equality, genuine peace at home and abroad. Hindenburg took office on 12 May , " The new president, always a stickler about uniforms, soon had the servants wear new regalia with the shoe buckles appropriate for a court.
The president also enjoyed a shooting preserve. He notified Chancellor Hans Luther that he would replace the head of Ebert's presidential staff, Dr Otto Meissner , with his own man, because the cabinet would have to consent.
Meissner was kept on temporarily. He proved invaluable and was Hindenburg's right hand throughout his presidency.
Foreign Minister Stresemann had vacationed during the campaign so as not to tarnish his reputation with the victors by supporting the field marshal.
The far right detested Stresemann for promoting friendly relations with the victors. At their first meeting Hindenburg listened attentively and was persuaded that Stresemann's strategy was correct.
The right was infuriated because the Treaty accepted the loss of Alsace and Lorraine, though it mandated the withdrawal of the Allied troops occupying the Rhineland.
The president always was lobbied intensely by visitors and letter writers. Hindenburg countered demands to restore the monarchy by arguing that restoring a Hohenzollern would block progress in revising Versailles.
The Treaty ended Luther's government, so Hindenburg had to assemble its replacement. The president could not command, but had to practice politics in the raw: painstakingly listening to and negotiating with party leaders to put together a bloc with a majority.
Occasionally he was able to seal a deal as the revered, old field marshal by appealing to patriotism. After weeks of negotiations, Luther formed a new government with a cabinet drawn from the middle-of-the road parties, retaining Stresemann, which the Reichstag approved when threatened that otherwise the president would call new elections.
That government was toppled by dispute over flying the old imperial flag alongside of the Weimar colors, which symbolically downgraded the republic.
Marx was recalled as chancellor in a government that continued the dual flag policy. The next major issue was the properties of the former kings now held by the states: the question was whether former rulers should receive some compensation or none.
More than 12 million voters petitioned for a referendum on this issue, meanwhile the Reichstag was debating an expropriation bill.
Hindenburg's impulse was to resign so that he might express his opposition, but instead Meissner persuaded him to write a personal letter, which appeared in the newspapers, opposing expropriation.
The referendum on 20 June rejected expropriation. Hindenburg urged the states to reach fair settlements promptly, otherwise he would resign.
Stresemann's position in successive governments was solidified when he shared the Nobel Peace Prize for The next crisis came in the autumn of when Reichswehr commander Seeckt, without consulting the Reichswehr minister, invited the eldest son of the ex-crown prince to attend maneuvers.
To keep the government in office, Hindenburg pressured Seeckt to resign. His successor was Wilhelm Heye. The Social Democrats shifted their stance and were willing to join a centrist government, which would strengthen it.
Hindenburg was agreeable. But then the socialists demanded a completely new cabinet, which the government rejected, consequently the Reichstag voted no confidence after oratory that made much of the secret collaboration between the Reichswehr and the Red Army, which had been revealed in British newspapers.
To counter these attacks the Reichswehr relied on Colonel Kurt von Schleicher , who had served with Oskar in the Third Guards and was often a guest at the Palace.
He assiduously strove to improve relations with the Republic. Again Hindenburg was saddled with finding a new government.
He asked Marx to bring in more parties. The German Nationals agreed to join, and a new government was in place on 31 January It legislated the eight hour day and unemployment insurance.
On 18 September Hindenburg spoke at the dedication of the massive memorial at Tannenberg, outraging international opinion by denying Germany's responsibility for initiating World War I, thereby repudiating Article of the Treaty of Versailles.
He declared that Germany entered the war as "the means of self-assertion against a world full of enemies.
Pure in heart we set off to the defence of the fatherland and with clean hands the German army carried the sword.
The Allied governments retaliated by not congratulating him on his eightieth birthday. He was more upset by Ludendorff's refusal to have any contact at the ceremony.
Most Germans did celebrate his birthday: his present was Neudeck, the ancestral East Prussian estate of the Hindenburgs, purchased with funds from a public subscription.
Later it became known that the title was in Oskar's name, to avoid potential inheritance tax. A financial scandal in the navy led to the resignation of the defense minister.
As his replacement, Schleicher wanted Groener, whose chief-of-staff he had been late in the war. The right strongly opposed him, but the Reichstag approved.
Groener in turn enhanced Schleicher's role in the army. The Reichstag's four-year term was coming to an end, so Hindenburg pressed it to promptly pass required legislation and then dissolved it on 31 March His leadership was widely applauded.
However, it was difficult to assemble a new government because several parties were reluctant to participate.
Finally, sufficient support was found for the Social Democrat Hermann Müller whom Hindenburg found clever and agreeable, later telling Groener that Müller was his best chancellor.
The next crisis followed Stresemann's negotiation of the Young Plan , which rescheduled reparations payments and opened the way for needed American loans.
In addition, the French promised to leave the Rhineland in , five years before schedule. The right formed a committee to block adoption, they started by intensively lobbying Hindenburg, using such powerful voices as Tirpitz.
Hindenburg did not budge. For the first time the committee brought conservatives, like the powerful newspaper owner Alfred Hugenberg , into alliance with the Nazis.
They submitted the issues to a national plebiscite, in which they obtained only one-fifth of the vote.
In his open letter when he promulgated the required legislation, Hindenburg pointed out that their major problem was the economic turmoil and growing unemployment stemming from the worldwide depression.
The younger Hindenburg, "the constitutionally unforeseen son of the President", controlled access to the President.
A new election would only reinforce these bitter divisions. Schleicher suggested that in such a presidential government the trained economist and leader of the Catholic Center Party Zentrum Heinrich Brüning would make an excellent chancellor.
Hindenburg first talked with Brüning in February He was impressed by his probity and by his outstanding combat record as a machine gun officer; and was reconciled to his being a Catholic.
In January , Meissner told Kuno von Westarp that soon Muller's "Grand Coalition" would replaced by a "presidential government" that would exclude the Social Democrats, adding that the coming "Hindenburg government" would be "anti-Marxist" and "anti-parliamentarian", serving as a transition to a dictatorship.
Brüning had hesitated because he lacked parliamentary support, but Hindenburg appealed to his sense of duty and threatened to resign himself.
Urged on by the president, the Reichstag passed a bill supporting agriculture by raising tariffs and providing subsidies.
Faced with declining tax revenues and mounting costs for unemployment insurance, Brüning introduced an austerity budget with steep spending cuts and steep tax increases.
Nonetheless, his budget was defeated in the Reichstag in July , so Hindenburg signed it into law by invoking Article The Reichstag voted to repeal the budget, so Hindenburg dissolved it just two years into its mandate, and re-approved the budget with Article Unemployment was still soaring.
Hindenburg took no part in the campaign, in the September elections the Nazis achieved an electoral breakthrough, gaining 17 percent of the vote to become the second-strongest party in the Reichstag.
The Communists also made striking gains, albeit not so great. After the elections, Brüning continued to govern largely through Article 48; his government was kept afloat by the Social Democrats who voted against canceling his Article 48 bills in order to avoid another election that could only benefit the Nazis and the Communists.
The German historian Eberhard Jäckel concluded that presidential government was within the letter of the constitution, but violated its spirit as Article 54 stated the Chancellor and his cabinet were responsible to the Reichstag, and thus presidential government was an end-run around the constitution.
Hindenburg found the detailed notes that Brüning submitted explaining the economic necessity of each of his bills to be incomprehensible.
Brüning continued with austerity, A decree in December once again cut the wages of public employees and the budget. Modest, withdrawn Brüning was completely unable to explain his measures to the voters, or even to the president, who relied on explanations from the Kamarilla.
The Nazis and German Nationals marched out of the Reichstag in opposition to a procedural rule.
The budget was then passed easily, and the Reichstag adjourned until October after only increasing the military budget and the subsidies for Junkers in the so-called Osthilfe Eastern Aid program.
In June there was a banking crisis in which the funds on deposit plummeted. Complete disaster was averted by United States President Herbert Hoover obtaining a temporary moratorium on reparation payments.
In the summer of , Hindenburg complained in a letter to his daughter: "What pains and angers me the most is being misunderstood by part of the political right".
Everyone present saw that they took an immediate dislike to each other. Afterwards Hindenburg in private often disparagingly referred to Hitler as "that Austrian corporal", "that Bohemian corporal " or sometimes simply as "the corporal" and also derided Hitler's Austrian dialect.
On 26 January , Hindenburg privately told a group of his friends: "Gentlemen, I hope you will not hold me capable of appointing this Austrian corporal to be Reich Chancellor".
In foreign affairs he spoke with hostility towards Poland, often expressing a hope that the Polish state would disappear from the map of Europe "at an appropriate moment" .
By January , at the age of 84, Hindenburg was vacillating about running for a second term. Some authors have pointed out that uncertainty is suggestive of early senile dementia, which includes: restricted memory, especially of recent events and people, decrease in willed actions which may become apathy, and reduced problem solving ability.
His intentions were not to "abandon my efforts for a healthy move to the Right". Hitler was to be one of his opponents in the election.
Hindenburg left most campaigning to others, in his single radio address he stressed the need for unity, "I recall the spirit of , and the mood at the front, which asked about the man, and not about his class or party".
In the first round of voting in March , Hindenburg was front-runner, but failed to gain the required majority. However, he was disappointed because he lost voters from the right, only winning by the support of those who had strongly opposed him seven years before.
He wrote "Despite all the blows in the neck I have taken, I will not abandon my efforts for a healthy move to the Right".
Schleicher took the lead in choosing the cabinet, in which he was Reichswehr Minister. Groener was now even more unpopular to the right because he had banned wearing party uniforms in public.
On 13 May Schleicher told Groener that he had "lost the confidence of the Army" and must resign at once. To cope with mounting unemployment, Brüning desperately wanted an emergency decree to launch a program in which bankrupt estates would be carved up into small farms and turned over to unemployed settlers.
When they met, Hindenburg read a statement that there would be no further decrees and insisted that the cabinet resign, there must be a turn to the right.
Brüning resigned on 1 June He was succeeded by Papen from the Centre Party, who was Schleicher's choice, Hindenburg did not even ask the party leaders for advice.
He was delighted with Papen, a rich, smooth aristocrat who had been a famous equestrian and a general staff officer; he soon became a Hindenburg family friend Schleicher was no longer welcomed because he had quarreled with Oskar.
The president was delighted to find that eight members of the new cabinet had served as officers during the war. Thanks to the previous government, reparations were phased out at the Lausanne Conference , but without progress on other issues, so it was attacked by the German right.
The Social Democratic government of the State of Prussia was a caretaker, because it had lost its mandate in the preceding election.
Papen accused it of failing to maintain public order, and removed it on 20 July. The national elections came eleven days later. Eight parties received substantial numbers of votes, but those supporting the government lost strength, while opponents on the right and left gained.
The Nazis polled almost the same 37 percent they had in the presidential election, making them the largest party in the Reichstag.
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Staff was outstanding We even received a free room upgrade to the penthouse. So unexpected and very much appreciated.
The apartment design is modern. The kitchen is fully equipped. Ski resorts are nearby within 30 hour drive. A bit more cleaning under and around bed, but this was only small TV, shower, talking, sneezing unfortunately they had ear plugs on the table.
Very nice people, wellcome drink, super breakfast bufet as well as alla cart warm dishes and sweets, prosecco The location of the hotel is excellent - right in the center of the village.
The hotel offers reasonably priced parking located within only minutes on foot. Room was spacious, warm and clean, same was the bathroom.
Breakfast was excellent - varied buffet, plus great meals prepared upon order. Staff was very friendly and helpful.
Friendly staff, good breakfast, comfortable bed. The breakfast was amazing!!! I loved most things about the hotel, apart from the spa.
The hotel is set in a good location and the staff are extremely welcoming. Exceptional breakfast, no children. Great place. No any view of mountains from second floor, perhaps was better from 3rd or 4th The double bed actually composed of two single beds pushed together with two mattresses and two bed lining sets.
Very good location in the center of the town. Not far for skiing areas minutes drive Excellent buffet breakfast.
Very friendly and helpful staff. Nice sauna at the top floor. WIFI conection was very bad- in the room.
Shower in bathtub is always messy and uncomfortable. If you come for skiing then note that skibus only goes 1x per hour Leogang , takes 20m and last ride back around Best to come with your own car.
The town Saalfelden is rather dull, uninspiring. The hotel is nice, and as many said the staff is friendly, decent breakfast and spaceous rooms.
No swimming pool, poor WiFi , this some construction outside. A very thing. I cannot comment on car parking facilities as we arrived by bike.
Secure facilities for e-bikes. Easy check in with very friendly receptionist. Hotel facilities appear to have been refurbished quite recently.
Good sized bedroom although en suite bathroom was a little small. Excellent breakfast, cooked to order in addition to a wide ranging buffet choice.
The view from the room and the top floor outside area was fabulous! Error: Please enter a valid email address.
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Airport shuttle. Hotel die Hindenburg Reserve now. David United States of America. Brian United States of America.
Very helpful and friendly receptionist who went out of her way to help us during our stay. Scott United Kingdom.
Feeling welcomed and well taken care of after a long journey. Joelle United States of America. Location is good in the heart of the city The building is very old but it is clean, The breakfast was very Delicious.
Muaffaq Saudi Arabia. Excellent breakfast - and I'm always especially happy if a place offers poached eggs.
Zsolt Hungary. So homey. Rizal Qatar. Ahmed United Arab Emirates. The location is perfect in the middle of shopping area, rooms are big and the suite was just perfect with even dressing room.
Anonymous Kuwait. Anonymous Saudi Arabia. Staff 9. Highly rated for: Great check-in experience. Highly rated for: Very comfy beds.
Highly rated for: Great neighborhood. Highly rated for: Room sizes. Highly rated for: Great breakfast. Previous image of the property Next image of the property.
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Hotel die Hindenburg This rating is a reflection of how the property compares to the industry standard when it comes to price, facilities and services available.
It's based on a self-evaluation by the property. Use this rating to help choose your stay! Rooms and apartments at Hotel die Hindenburg are individually furnished.
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Double Room 1 queen bed. Something went wrong — please try again later. Single Room 1 twin bed. Triple Room 1 king bed and 1 sofa bed.
Suite 1 king bed. See availability. Hinterreit — Saalfelden am Steinernen Meer. Are you missing any information about this area?
Why book with us? Outdoors Outdoor furniture Sun deck Terrace Garden. Ski Ski storage. Pets Pets are allowed.
Charges may apply. Internet Free! Parking Private parking is available at a location nearby reservation is not needed and costs EUR 3.
Accessible parking Electric vehicle charging station Parking garage Street parking. Languages Spoken German English. What topic s do you want to know more about?
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